testi tradotti

2. After Kondakov, more recent works may be cited: G. t' ubinagvili, Art of Georgian Forged Metal (Tbilisi, 1959); C. Amiranagvili, Istoria gruzinskogo iskusstva (Moscow, 1963); C. Gaprindashvili, Ancient Monuments of Georgia: Vardzia (Leningrad, 1975); R. Konia, Le triptyque de la Vierge de Khakoul (Tbilisi, 1972); G. Abramishvili, Chachulskaja ikona (Tbilisi, 1979).

3. A. Bank, Byzantine Art in the Collections of Soviet Museums (New York, 1978), 23, Figs. 266-68. The execution in high relief is com-parable to a huge, fragmentarily preserved, carved St. George in Gallista, near Kastoria, the origin of which (along with that of St. George from Kastoria) Sotiriou tentatively ascribed to Constantinople. The late thirteenth-century dating of the church in Gallista may possibly be the date of the relief. See G.A. Sotiriou, "La sculpture sur bois dans l'art byzantin," Wlanges Charles Diehl, II (Paris, 1930), 171-84; R. Lange, Die byzantinische Relief-ikone (Recklingshausen, 1966), 122, no. 50.

4. The St. George icon is in the Byzantine Museum in Athens. Another icon of St. George, this time represented frontally, in low relief, is in the Omorphi Ekklisia outside Kastoria: K. Weitzmann, M. Chatzidakis, K. Miatev, and S. RadojCie, A Treasure of Icons: Sixth to Seventeenth Centuries (London, 1966), pl. 49; Lange, Die byzantinische Reliefikone, 121, no. 49.

5. A. Bank, "Relief en marbre a l'image de Saint Luc, evangeliste," Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik, XXI (1972), 7-11.

6. R. Pallucchini, La Pittura Veneziana del Trecento (Venice, 1964), Figs. 16-18.

7. P. Torriti, La pinacoteca nazionale di Siena (Genoa, 1977), 20, no. 1. The socalled "Madonna dagli occhi grossi" is in the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo. The body of Christ in a Crucifix from S. Michele in Lucca, datable to ca. 1230, is also in low relief: 0. Siren, Toskanische Malerei im XIII. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1922), Fig. 11.

8. Bank, Byzantine Art, no. 210. The small bronze stamped plaque was found at Chersonese.

9. E.g., the Crucifixes in the Uffizi (attributed to the School of Lucca) and in the museum in San Gimignano (attributed to Coppo di Mar-covaldo); the Madonnas in S. Maria Maggiore in Florence (also at-tributed to Coppo), and the Acton Collection in Florence (by the Bigallo Master).

10. Siren, Toskanische Malerei, Fig. 11.

11. Zivopis predmongolskoj Rusi exhibition catalogue (Moscow, 1974), no. I. The corresponding revetment of the so-called Chorsunskaja Bogomater (the Virgin of Chersonese), also from Novgorod Cathe-dral, covers a later, Russian painting of the Virgin.

12. One can assume a common basis for the Byzantine and Georgian re-vetment by comparing the diapered background on the Novgorod oklad to those on the equestrial St. George from Kutaisi and the En-throned Madonna icon from Tchoukouli (see my Fig. 2).

13. Grabar, Les revetements, 4, 5.

14. An elaborately decorated iconostasis was still in situ around 1900 in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos (St. Clement's). The Macedonian icons are reproduced in S. RadojCiC, Icones de Serbie et de Macedoine (Belgrade, 1961); K. B. Balabanov, Icons of Macedonia (Skopje, 1960); Weitzmann et al., Icons; P. J. Muller, latnes byzantines (Paris, n.d.). According to D. T. Rice, the two prominent companion icons with Christ and the Madonna from the Peribleptos church apparently belonged to a monastery in Constantinople, and were brought to Ochrid shortly after 1300. See D. T. Rice, Icons and their History (New York, 1974), 28, nos. 7, 8.

15. Grabar does not accept the early dating of the Annunciation diptych maintained by Kondakov, the Yugoslavian researchers, and D.T.  Rice, and dates it ca. 1300, because Grabar considers as apocryphal the inscription mentioning a Leo to be identified with Leo Mungo, archbishop of Ochrid from 1108 till 1120.

16. Rice, Icons and their History, 29, no. 12.

17. Rice, Icons and their History, 26, no. 4; S.G. Mercati, "Sulla santissima icone del Duomo di Spoleto," Spoletium, III (1956), 3.

17a As shown by the examples from Naples and Cyprus, this plastic grid pattern is particularly appropriate for the background surfaces inspired by embossed metal sheathing.

18. Rice, "Cypriot Icons," 269.

19. The examples from Mount Sinai were published by K. Weitzmann, "Thirteenth Century Crusader Icons on Mount Sinai," AB, XLV (1963), 179-203; idem, "Icon Painting in the Crusader Kingdom," DOP, XX (1966), 51-83. See also G. and M. Sotiriou, !cones du Mont Sinai, 2 vols. (Athens, 1956-58). Most examples among the icons on Cyprus were published by D. Talbot Rice in The Icons of Cyprus (London, 1937), and in his article "Cypriot Icons," and by A. Papageorgiou, Icons of Cyprus (London, 1969), and in his catalogue of Byzantine Icons of Cyprus, an exhibition held in the Benaki Museum in Athens in 1976. Unless stated otherwise, the Cypriot icons discussed in the present paper are reproduced in Papageorgiou.

20. The diptych, which is in the Chicago Art Institute, was published as North Italian Duecento work by E. S. Vavala, "A Dugento Diptych in Chicago," International Studio (April, 1930), 32-36.

20a. See note 19 above.

21. H. Buchthal, Miniature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford, 1957), 48. J. Folda, Manuscript Illumination at Saint-Jean d'Acre (Princeton, 1976), 25, rejects the proposal of A. Caleca, Miniatura in Umbria, I, La Biblioteca di Perugia (Florence, 1969), 79-82, to dissociate the Perugia Missal from the Acre School and to place it in a more purely Venetian context.

22. Weitzmann, "Icon Painting," 69, Figs. 33, 34. Folda, Manuscript Illumination, 118, also raises the question whether some of the panels could not be from Cyprus. Sotiriou, !canes du Mont Sinai, made valid comparisons with the Cypriot frescos in the Enkleistra of the monastery of St. Neophytos, and in the church of the Panagia at Moutoullas, dated 1280.

23. Frescoes in the crypt of San Vito Vecchio: C. A. Willemsen, Puglia (Bari, 1978), Figs. 203, 204.

24. "Four Icons on Mount Sinai: New Aspects in Crusader Art," Jahr-buch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik, XXI (1972), 293.

25. Folda, Manuscript Illumination, 119: "... though Byzantine art flourished on the island this could hardly be said of Acre in the late thirteenth century."

26. Rice, "Cypriot Icons," 271.

27. M. Rotili, L'arte a Napoli dal VI al X111 secolo (Naples, 1978), Fig. 151

28. C. Gaprindashvili, Ancient Monuments of Georgia: Vardzia, Fig. 105. I believe that a comparative investigation of Cilician, Armeni-an, and Georgian painting might throw some new light on the earli-est painting on Cyprus.

29. The presence of the knob-like octa-rosette on the frame of the Enthroned Madonna in S. Maria Maggiore in Florence (my Fig. 1) reinforces the thesis that this unusual work was inspired by an eastern model, as I mentioned at the beginning of my paper.

30. Byzantine Icons of Cyprus, nos. 11, 13, 14, 16.

31. Rice, "Cypriot Icons," Fig. 4.

32. Ibid., Fig. 11.

33. R. Pallucchini, La Pittura Veneziana del Trecento, Fig. 10. Also mentioned may be the frescos in Sant'Ambrogio in Milan, in the Baptistery in Parma, and in Sant'Abbondio in Como. P. Toesca, Pittura e miniatura nella Lombardia (Turin, 1966), Figs. 94, 96, 101, 143-44.

34. A similar Madonna exists in Aversa, S. Maria a Piazza. E.B. Gar-rison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting (Florence, 1949), no. 73. The imperial splendor of the Enthroned S. Maria de Flumine from Amalfi, now in the museum at Capodimonte, is distinctly Byzantine (ibid., no. 229); such a feeling emanates from the Madonna from St. Cassianus at Nicosia. A curious treatment of the background by Duccio in his small Enthroned Madonna with three Franciscans in the Siena Pinacoteca might possibly be a reflection of a sheathed icon (enameled cover?).

35. F. Bologna, I pittori alla corte angioina di Napoli 1266-1414 (Rome, 1969), pl. 1-31 (65 f).

36. G. Milanesi, "Della Tavola di Nostra Donna nel Tabernacolo d'Or San Michele," Nuova Antologia (Florence, 1870), 1-6; L. Bellosi, "Una precisazione sulla Madonna di Orsanmichele," Scritti di storia dell'arte in onore di Ugo Procacci, 1 (Milan, 1977), 152-56.

37. Bologna, I pittori, pls. 1-30 (64), 1-32 (67).

37a. Torriti (cited in note 7 above).

38. Rice, Icons and their History, 45, no. 20. The name of Constantine Cabasilas, archibishop of Ochrid (1262-1263), is on the back.

39. Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, no. 401; also Mostra dell'arte in Puglia dal tardo antico al Rococo (Bari, 1964), no. 44. Excellent examples of the strong Byzantine stylistic impact in the region are two companion icons from Bisceglie with St. Nicholas and St. Margaret, both standing and surrounded by scenes from their lives (today in the museum at Bari).

40. The Madonna came from 2ujani. Catalogue de l'exposition de la peinture romane sur bois en Dalmatie des XII et XIII siecles (Split, 1968), no. 3. Relief halo exists also on an Enthroned Madonna in the monastery of S. Maria in Zadar (Zara).

41. Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, 95, no. 239. Also to be mentioned is a thirteenth-century triptych adorned with silver gilt stucco in the collegiate in Alba Fucense (Abbruzzi). E. Bertaux, L'art dans l'Italie meridionale (Paris, 1904), pl. XIII bis.

42. Weitzmann used, as an illustration of the transmission of the Byzantine forms, by means of the Crusader icons, a Virgin Glykophilousa triptych of the late Duecento in the Galleria Nazionale dell'Umbria in Perugia (no. 877) in his article "Icon Painting in the Crusader Kingdom," 81. The punchwork evidence links this painting with the large Crucifix of 1272 in the same gallery, attributed to the Master of St. Francis. F. Santi, Galleria Nazionale dell'Umbria. Dipinti, Sculture e Oggetti d'Arte di eth Romanica e Gotica (Rome, 1969), 26, no. 5 (inv. no. 26); 37, no. 14 (inv. no. 877).

43. The particular conformation can be readily obtained by per-pendicular filing of a checkerboard pattern into a metallic plate.

44. Bologna, Simone Martini: affreschi di Assisi (Milan, 1968). Simone has been recognized as a great innovator in the domain of punched decoration, in which the design is below the level of the gilt surface. His use of various stamps suitable for the larger scale decoration in his frescoes at Siena and Assisi stems from the same preoccupation with formal precision and efficiency. His brother-in-law, Lippo Memmi, used one of Simone's stamps in his Maesta fresco in San Gimignano.

45. Exhibition catalogue Grosse Kunst aus Tausend Jahren. Kirchenschatze aus dent Bistum Aachen — Aachener Kunstbliitter, XXXVI (1968), 24, no. 5, Fig. 23.

46. Both Weitzmann and Kitzinger cited in this context as examples the Wolfenbiittel sketchbook (ca. 1230-1240) and the drawing in Frei-burg: "Icon Painting," DOP, XX (1966), 77, 78; and "The Byzantine Contribution to Western Art of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," DOP, XX (1966), 27-47, respectively.

47. Catalogue of the exhibition Die Zeit der Smiler (Stuttgart, 1977), 303, no. 431, pl. 230.

48. E.g., engaged rings form a continuous pattern on the background of the metallic icon with the standing Archangel Michael in the Treasury of San Marco at Venice; later, their rendering in filigree forms the sheathing of a small Christ icon from Sant' Alb at Spoleto, presently in the Gallery at Perugia.

49. L. Marcucci, Gallerie Nazionali di Firenze: Dipinti toscani del secolo XIII (Rome, 1958), 75, Fig. 24.

50. My repeated references to the works on Cyprus or on Mount Sinai in the East-West comparisons are justified by an almost absolute disappearance of all "bicultural" art monuments in Crusader Constantinople (exceptionally preserved are fragmentary Franciscan murals in Kalenderhani Camii); we can postulate also there a production of the Crusader icons.

51. The diptych came from St. Georg at Cologne and was dated to ca. 1310 by A. Stange, German Painting: XIV-X VI Centuries (London, 1950), pl. 34. The raised adornment that could be related to the mode of the metal revetment always remained rare in German painting; and the subsequent examples in Rhenish and Westphalian art gradually lost the characteristics of the original connection to the eastern prototypes. Still related, though, is the elegant floral scroll-work on the background of a Crucifixion (ex Kohler Collection, Munich), whereas the reliefs on an Adoration of the Magi at Erfurt assumed a representational character in the rendering of the crowns, vessels, etc. (Stange, German Painting, pls. 43, 58). Finally, the floral pastiglia background in the Entombment triptych in the col-lection of Lord Seilern at London, by the Master of Flemalle (Robert Campin?), must be mentioned.

52. Folda, Manuscript Illumination, 129.

53. J. Evans, English Art 1307-1461 (Oxford, 1949), 48, pls. 28, 29.

54. Dominican contacts with, and patronage of, the eastern-oriented studios, can be further illustrated by a recently discovered Man of Sorrows triptych, probably of Adriatic origin: H.W. van Os, "The Discovery of an Early Man of Sorrows on a Dominican Triptych," JWCI, XLI (1978), 65-75.

55. Close examination revealed that the adornment of the copper-gilt and silver sheets of some shrines issuing from the workshop of Nicholas of Verdun was provided by stamps that must have been engraved in metal. Some of these were used over a longer period, and close copies were additionally made: Rhein und Maas. Kunst und Kziltur 800-1400, exhibition catalogue (Cologne, 1972), 318, 319. The technique of fashioning little relief plaques in pastiglia to decorate painted panels can be compared to that of providing tiles and bricks with reliefs. For the terracottas, the molds were carved in wood; but other materials may have been preferred, such as, e.g., soapstone, for the much smaller pastiglia reliefs. It is significant that certain subjects coincide in both types of production, such as the addorsed birds, lions, eagles; we learn this from the production of decorated bricks in the Cistercian monastery of St. Urban in Switzer-land during 1250-1300: R. Schneyder, Die Baukeramik und der mit-telalterliche Backsteinbau des Zisterzienserklosters S. Urban (Bern, 1958). The technique had Mediterranean precedents of long standing — the terra sigillata — and Islamic bas-relief glazed tiles are also offshoots of this tradition. P. de Palol, "Placas en ceramica decoradas paleocristianas y visigodas," Scritti di storia dell'arte in onore di Mario Salmi, I (Rome, 1961), 131-54. The connection can be seen in the repertory of the earlier production at St. Urban (ca. 1260), which included heart-shaped and split palmettes, sirens, griffins, etc. The procedure was of transient nature in Switzerland, and obviously was introduced from abroad; a templar relief terracotta in the museum at San Gimignano may well be an indication of the transmittal channels.

56. M. Frinta, "The puzzling raised decorations in the paintings of Master Theodoric," Simiolus. Netherlands quarterly for the history of art, VIII (1976), Figs. 26-28. A terminus post quem for the two English altarpieces may be proposed if we choose to favor the association of the fleur-de-lys decorating them with the addition of the fleur-de-lys to the arms of England by Edward II when he claim-ed the French throne.

57. F. Bologna, 1 pittori alla corte angioina, pls. 11-49 (73), 111-37 (43). Fleur-de-lys forms a continuous pattern in both instances. A unique use of the fleur-de-lys in relief in the border of a Bohemian mid-fourteenth-century Madonna of Zbraslav makes me wonder whether it should not be interpreted in terms of a contact of the artists from Bohemia with Naples: A. Mategek and J. Pegina, Czech Gothic Painting 1350-1450 (Prague, 1950), 49, pl. 45. Originally, also, the crown was embossed.

58. E. W. Tristram, English Wall Painting of the Fourteenth Century (London, 1955), 48-54, pls. 1-6: M. Frinta, "Puzzling raised dec-orations," Figs. 18-20.

59. Evans, English Art, 100-01, pl. 47b. Unfortunately, all the relief gesso work was scraped away in a brutal restoration in 1866.

60. Evans, English Art, pl. 49; P. Plummer, "Restoration of a Retable in Norwich Cathedral," Studies in Conservation, IV (1959), 106-15.

61. M. Frinta, "Puzzling raised decorations," 271-300; idem, "On the Relief Adornment in the Klarenaltar and other Paintings in Co-logne," Die Kiilner Mater von 1300-1430 (Cologne, 1976), 131-39.

62. Ars Hispaniae, VI, 216, Figs. 189-91.

63. Ars Hispaniae, VI, 244, Figs. 227-32. The altar frontals from Chia, Cardet, Tresserra, Betesa, Bohr, and Tahull are attributed to an atelier in Lerida (Lleida).

64. Weitzmann et al., A Treasury of Icons, pl. 59.

65. Ars Hispaniae, VI, Fig. 192; W.W.S. Cook, "The St. Martin Altar in the Walters Art Gallery," Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, XI (1948), 25.

66. J. Myslivec, Dye studie z ajin byzantskeho umisni (Prague, 1948), 17, pl. 2; J. Stubblebine, "Segna di Bonaventura and the Image of the Man of Sorrows," Gesta, VIII (1969), 3-13, Fig. 4.

67. Ars Hispaniae, VI, Figs. 312, 317, 329-31.

68. Ars Hispaniae, VI, e.g., Figs. 180, 183, 187, 188, 197-99, 201, 202, 249.

69. K. M. Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens 1311-1388 (Cam-bridge, Mass., 1948). In the church of St. Catherine's monastery at Mount Sinai, there is a Catalan (Mallorcan?) panel painting with a standing St. Catherine, dated 1387.